Historiography and history naration of Zand dynasty as one stage of Iranian historiography should be further studied. ḤĀJJ LOṬF-ʿALĪ BĪG B. ĀQĀ KHAN BĪGDELĪ ŠĀMLŪ (fl. 1134/1721-1195/1781) is one of the most prolific writers of the 18th century.Although he is more known as a poet and biographer, but one of the aspects of his scientific life is attention to historiography, which is the result of an insignificant piece of his writings that he has included in his literary work. Therefore, the main purpose of this paper is review the thought of Azar Bigdeli's historiography. He has played an effective role in the continuity and evolution of Zandee's historiography, which from one side modled from historians like Astarabadi and Ghafari-e Kashani and from other side was one of the pioneers of the revulsion against the so-called sabk-e hendī, Indian style (BĀZGAŠT-E ADABĪ) and tendency to simple writing of historiography. Azar had a great impact on the next writers, especially on Qajar historians. His effort in expressing historical events with a simple and emotional passion, later in the Qajar period, became as a pattern for other istorian s like Abd-al-Razagh Donboli and Fazlollah Khavari-e Shirazi. The emergence and expansion of social&economic aspects and causal and critical approach, realism, fairness and impartiality is one of the achievements of his historiography.  

The long background in historiography is a remarkable cultural characteristic of Armenians and Georgians in ancient times. Hundreds of years of living between the Armenian and Georgian peoples together contributed to the harmony of some of their historiography features. On the other hand, the differences in government practices in some historical periods also contributed to differences in some of their historiography features. This paper examines the similarities and differences in the style of writing these historiography by using the ancient sources of the Caucasian history as well as the new researches in this regard, by comparative study of some features of Armenian and Georgian historiography. The similarities between Armenian and Georgian historiography in the ancient period have been revealed in issues such as the use of the Old Testament traditions and the generalization of Parthian descent to nonpartisan rulers, while the difference between these two histories is in the way of utilizing Iranian national narratives.

Kurdistan's political and administrative affairs were run by the local Ardalan household and their dependent families, throughout the centuries, one of them being the family of Vaziri. Managing of accounting and aministeative affairs was a main function of the Vaziris in the Ardalan Emirate. By The historical analytic method, this article seeks to examines the ways in Setting up the Vaziri family for the Ardalan government, their position in the administrative structure, political and cultural changes of Kurdistan Ardalan during the first Qajar period.This study shows that the Family of Vaziris had a progressive advance since its first appearance in the Ardalan local government from the Afshari period to the end of the first Qajar period. Members of this family, in addition to establishing a link between the Ardalan emirates and the central government, were active in the political, social, cultural, literary and cultural development of Kurdistan.  

  Abstract The Caucasus region has had a great importance in the Iranian history since ancient times and has played a major role in the main developments of Iranian foreign relations. By separation from Iran in 1828, this significance remained for the coming decades; although its shape have changed. The main purpose of this paper is study and review role of Armenians in tendency to Russian empire from last decades of the safavid dynstay to the Turkmanchay treaty. We try answer to this main question that the scientific views of the last two centuries, that consider joining to Tsarist Russia as a general and maximal demand of Armenian community, how much is it consistent with the historical reality and the relevant sources and archival documents?. By examining the relevant documents and sources, present study shows that this trend was not a maximum demand and many parts and main church of the Armenian community had no adesire for join to Russian Empire.  Because of various reasons, including the political support of the Iranian governments from the Christians especially during the stabilization of the central power, most of the Armenians have called for continuity in the Iranian society.  

Iran and Ottoman Empire over the course of centuries, have left a high-tensionrelationship. One of the main issues that still remains to be seriously investigated is the question of how the two state’s boundaries are delimitated. Since the signing of the second Erzrum Treaty in 1263/1847, the delimitation of two states entered a new stage. Right from the middle of the nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century, numerous commissions, composed of representatives of four states, were set up to resolve border disputes between Iran and the Ottoman Empire. The first delimitation commission (1266/1850) in fact, is considered the turning point of all future commissions. The present research responds with the historical method and analytical-critical approach, relying on documents, in particular the foreign affairs documents, as well as some manuscripts on these questions: How and why the first demarcation commission was formed? What was the actions of the Ottoman representative, Derwish Pasha, during the first demarcation commission? Two works of Moshirdouleh and Derwish Pasha, along with Iranian and Ottoman documents, have been the basis of the present research.  

In the weakness period after Ankara War (1402/804), the political-religious movement dependent on the Madrasas, like as Ottoman state, became anxiety and disturbance. Given the fact that, virtually there was not a consolidated and powerful sovereignty to support from them in the Ottoman society, their influential presence in the society was heavily weakened compared with earlier times. This fact caused the Madrasa Educators and the Madrasa movement concluded that in order to advance their religious and ideological goals in society, they had to support the revival of the unity of the Ottoman monarchy. It was important for the Madrasa educators and 'Ilmiyye circle that the application of the jurisprudential principles and religious norms in the Ottoman society, which due to its mostly primitive texture, often tended to non-jurisprudential circles, required political consistency. Therefore, following the revival of the Ottoman political and territorial unity by Muhammad I (816/1413), a significant range of scholars used their efforts to renew their political influence in the rule of Āl-i 'Uthmān. Along trying to stabilize Mohamed I sultanate, they provided the conditions for a military encounter between the Ottoman state and the popular mystical movement, which did not have the slightest desire for the political and territorial unity of Āl-i 'Uthmān. The issuance of the fatwa of the murder of Shaykh Badr al-Dīn Samāwī by the Muftis and its execution by the Ottoman Sultan, as well as the massacre of the followers of this Shaykh in Anatolia, which were gathered around Tūrlāķ Kamāl, the disciple of Shaykh-i Sam§wn§, including the outstanding powerful presence of the Madrasa educators during the revival of the unity of the rule of Āl-i #Uthmān and reign of Muhammad I.  

One of the most important newspapers of the Constitutional Revolution period, published by Mohammad Bagherkhan Tangestani, is the Rooznameh Jonob. The examination of the critical stance of the Rooznameh Jonoub, in anticipation of the theory of Powerful Independent Government, believes that the government must stand against the plans of European governments and seek national interests on the basis of national unity. The purpose of the present paper is to present a documentary view of the British Government's action in the form of Anglo-Iranian Oil Company during the constitutional era.The newspaper's authors believed that the company was acting on behalf of the British government and was not a commercial organization, but a political organization, in the context of which it seeks to extend the interests of England in Iran, Rooznameh Jonoub itself is the first to oppose the Darcy contract in Iran.The question that author attempts to answer is why the Rooznameh Jonoub view about England and the Darcy contract, which they call a political organization, to determine the causes of this newspaper's view.