Historical Sciences Studies

Abstract The national question was a concept constructed by nineteenth-century Marxists in the face of the spread of the wave of nationalism, a concept they used as a tool to advance their goals, especially on the eve of the October Revolution. In Iran, it was with the establishment of the Communist Party in 1338 AH that the “national question” came up under the concept of “different nations of Iran.” The Tudeh Party, as the most important communist group during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, developed the concept of “national question” in Iran. The main question of this research is what the approach of the Tudeh Party was towards the concept of “national question” in Iran and what the factors influencing this approach were. The hypothesis of this research is based on the proposition that this party’s approach to the concept of “national question” in Iran is derived from the teachings of Lenin and Stalin and a functionalist approach to advance its struggles and the leadership of Marxist groups is to expand the level of struggle, and Ideological ties with the Soviet Union have had the greatest impact on this approach. In this study, interpretive and explanatory-functionalist methodologies have been used to explain the problem. In data interpretation, the content analysis method has been used, and in explaining events, recognizing political structures, and causally explaining their function has been considered. This study concludes that the Tudeh Party’s approach to the “national question” in Iran was functionalist and in line with its goals, and the party did not pay more attention to it.  

Abstract After signing the constitutionalism decree and the ratification of the constitution, political and economic powers were reduced and according to the law, the royal financial rights were granted to him through the approval and supervision of the parliament. During the reign of Muhammad-Ali Shah, and in contention of his conflict with the constitutionalists, parliamentarians also limited his funds to threaten the political power of the king. The king sold and redeemed crown jewels in order to provide financial resources to advance political goals. With the end of minor despotism, the constitutionalists scrutinized crown jewels carefully and in a long process they did efforts to retrieve the jewels from the king and those who sold jewels or were taken to pledge. Russia and Britain showed a different approach to these efforts. The constitutionalism revolution guided the public opinion towards the crown jewels, and the jewels were turned from king's personal wealth to the national wealth that they were used by the monarchy under the supervision of representatives of the people. The present study Aims to Study that how constitutionalists deal with selling and pledging of jewels from him and what is the reaction of the Russian and British Governments to it. The method of this research is descriptive-analytical, and library resources and archival documents have been used in this study.

Abstract Although the number of the seals and signets attributed to Sasanian Kings is small compared to the collection of the remaining seals from this period, they are distinguished from the other seals of the period due to their materials, embellishments, used in the structure and inscribed motifs on them. The Sasanian kings to whom a seal or signet is attributed include Ardeshir I, Shapur I, Narseh, Bahram IV, Bahram V, Peroz, Kavad I, Khosrow A, and Khosrow Parviz. The motifs on these seals are the kings’ portraits, the scene of victory over the enemy, and some animals. The base of our knowledge about these seals relies on the items remaining in the museums and sometimes, simply on the descriptions in the written resources. As there is a disagreement between the researchers about the identity of some kings inscribed on the seals and signets, this survey is going to identify the kings and illuminate the amount of Sasanians’ impressibility from their contemporaries and previous arts through studying the seals and signets of Sasanian kings existing in the museums and Islamic texts focusing on their motifs. The studies show that the theme of the Sasanian kings’ seals is influenced by the patterns of ancient Iran and eastern civilizations. Also, the impressibility of Sasanians from western patterns and the neighbors is seen in the external form and following their method; however, in most cases, Sasanians adjusted these patterns to their own standards. Other artistic works of this period and new findings can be used to remove the ambiguities about the kings inscribed on the seals

Abstract One of the most prominent plans for Arab unity after World War I was Fertile Crescent Unity, which included Iraq, Jordan, Syria, Palestine, and Lebanon. After establishing the Iraqi monarchy, King Faisal and the nationalist messengers of Arab unity pursued this plan, but despite the efforts of the Iraqi rulers, the plan failed. The main question of this research is why the plan of unity of the Fertile Crescent failed? The research hypothesis is based on the fact that although the Iraqi rulers made great efforts to achieve Arab unity due to internal opposition, Arab rivalry with each other, and the great powers’ opposition, this plan did not materialize. By analyzing library information, this study shows that a set of ideological, geopolitical, economic motives led the Iraqi monarchy towards Arab unity. King Faisal, Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Said, and vice-regent Abd al-Ilah were the most important figures who worked for the Fertile Crescent Unity. However, due to the heterogeneous internal conditions of the Arab countries, their rivalry for the leadership of the Arab world, the rivalry between Britain and France, the two main players in the Arab Middle East, and their fear of forming a strong Arab state in the region, the plan to unite the  Fertile Crescent failed

Abstract In 1927 a British historian by the name of William Tarn (1869-1957) with the appearance of a biography of Alexander in the sixth volume of The Cambridge Ancient History produced ideal views about the personality of Macedonian General. The most pivotal and, at the same time, the most debated of Tarn’s views about Alexander was the attribution of the idea of “the unity and brotherhood of mankind” to him. According to his view of Arrian’s account, Tarn interpreted Alexander’s prayer at the Opis banquet (324 B. C.) for harmony and partnership in rule between Macedonians and Persians formal declaration of the unity of all men and named it as “Homonoia” (unity of hearts). Tarn, in 1933 (essay of “Alexander the Great and the Unity of Mankind”) and 1948 (biography of Alexander the Great, two vols), expressed his ideal view about Alexander again and asserted it without any revision. In spite of many criticisms leveled at Tarn’s ideal views, his idea of “the unity and brotherhood” about Alexander influenced the area of Alexander’s historiography in the west to the late 1950s, until his idea was rejected finally by Ernst Badian in 1958. The consideration of Tarn’s view and modern scholar’s statements indicates that prevailing conditions over time of this historian have brought his ideal idea about Alexander about to form.
 

Abstract In the middle of the fifth term of the parliament, when Reza Khan was the Prime Minister, he went to the south of the country to suppress the rebellion led by Sheikh Khaz’al. After visiting the Holy Shrines in Najaf, he met Ayatollah Sayyed Abulhasan Esfehani, Ayatollah Naeini, and several other religious leaders of Najaf. One of the sources that report this meeting is the book Ma’arif al-Rijal written by Shiekh Mohammad Herz al-Din. In his narrative, the author mentions that the religious sources of imitation asked Reza Khan two things in return for consenting to his monarchy; first, the presence of five first-class mujtahids in order to monitor the resolutions of the parliament، and second, maintaining the Ja’fari Shiite sect as the official religion of the country. Reza Khan promised to fulfill those demands. However, there are major doubts concerning this narrative, which makes it difficult to believe the report. Thus, the present article, using a critical approach, seeks to answer the following questions: In the mentioned meeting, did the religious sources of imitation make such requests from Reza Khan? Did Reza Khan make such promises to the religious sources of imitation? And, in this meeting, what was the main topic of Reza Khan’s negotiation with the scholars and religious sources of imitation?  

Abstract Historians’ accounts of their past events are simultaneously influenced by the past of those events and their future. The historical past or the “pasts past” refers to pre-contemporary events of the historian. In contrast, the historical future includes the future of historical agents and actors, as well as the future of the historian. Accordingly, the main question of this article is how Yaʿḳūbī, as a case study, was influenced by past and future events in his narrative. The term “futures past,” coined by Koselleck, was used to emphasize the fact that the future was seen differently before the Sattelzeit, which coincided with the Age of Enlightenment. Koselleck paid close attention to this asymmetry, based on the Sattelzeit time and its consequences for writing history. The term “pasts past” was also adopted from Koselleck’s views on the past. Koselleck used these terms to describe the basic concept of “historical time.” Therefore, the first part of this article deals with the concept of historical time”, along with the two categories, called “the space of experience” and “the horizon of expectation,” which are essential for understanding historical time. The second part of this article discusses these concepts and terms in Tarikh-e-Yaghubi