Historical Sciences Studies

Abstract The fifth century witnessed fundamental changes in the inscriptions on Sasanian coins. From the late fourth century, the relatively uniform list of legitimizing Sasanian titles changed due to social, religious, and political changes. By the late fifth century, all of these titles had been eliminated and were replaced by titles that reflected the changing political ideology at the Sasanian court. This article examines the meaning and concept of the legend of “nwky” on the coins of Yazdgird II. Today, most numismatists believe it is the transliteration of Middle Persian (MP) nōg, meaning “new”, widely used in Zoroastrian and Manichaean Middle Persian texts. However, it seems that no convincing reason has been proposed for the minting of this legend. This article attempts to answer the question of what the concept of this legend is and what the purpose of the Sasanian court was in inserting it, using textual background and linguistic analysis. The author believes this legend is a part of the compound nōg xwarrah, which was struck on Yazdgird II’s coins as a legitimizing title due to political-military changes in his battles with the nomadic tribes on the eastern frontiers and After Yazdgird’s death, it appeared on the official seal of his son, Pērōz, as nōg xwarrah abzud.

Abstract The Sasanian era marks a period of significant transformation in administrative, cultural, and religious frameworks. The interpretation of concepts such as sin, justice, and punishment was particularly crucial within the framework of religious and customary laws. An in-depth analysis of the sins and punishments of women offers a realistic view of the social and legal attitudes of the time. This study seeks to examine, analyze, and explain the most important sins of women and their punishments in Sasanian Iran, using historical and legal sources. The primary goal is to clarify what behaviors were considered female ‘sins’ in the Sasanian legal, religious, and historical texts, what factors determined the punishments, and what the social and legal consequences of these regulations were for women in the Sasanian social structure. The research method combines textual and historical analysis. The results show that in Sasanian society, the system of sin and punishment for women extended beyond religion and morality and was deeply influenced by social attitudes. This system served as a symbolic tool to maintain order and strengthen the structure of family and religion. Women’s sins ranged from minor disobedience, such as not observing the dāshtanistān ritual, to major crimes such as abortion, prostitution, and witchcraft. Punishments varied according to the severity of the sin, from flogging and fines to death or eternal torment. Ultimately, this system was more about gender control, the reproduction of social hierarchies, and the preservation of a ‘sacred order’ than legal rights.

Abstract This article examines the development of archaeology as a discipline closely entangled with imperialism and nationalism during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Drawing on Edward Said’s concept of Orientalism, it employs a critical historical approach to analyze how archaeology was shaped by and contributed to the political agendas of expanding European empires. Far from a neutral pursuit of knowledge, archaeology emerged as a key cultural technology for legitimizing colonial power and constructing civilizational hierarchies that placed the West at the center of historical progress.
The article explores how the formation of national museums and the classification of ancient artifacts became part of broader imperial strategies, turning archaeological discoveries into symbols of authority and cultural prestige. European powers often competed in this arena, using excavations, collections, and institutional displays to assert dominance over colonized regions and their histories.
While brief reference is made to Iran to illustrate broader patterns, the article’s focus remains on the conceptual and institutional frameworks that connected archaeology to imperial governance and nationalist ideology. It considers how archaeological practices—through excavation, display, and scholarly interpretation—served to rewrite the past in ways that supported political objectives, whether colonial or national.
By tracing these interconnections, the study argues that archaeology must be understood as a discipline with deeply political origins. Recognizing this legacy is vital to critically rethinking the role of archaeology in both historical and contemporary contexts, especially in relation to cultural authority, identity, and the representation of the past.

Abstract Since the Treaty of Paris, which led to the separation of the Herat province from Iran and its annexation to Afghanistan, the downstream section of this river has been recognized as the water border between the two countries. This event coincided with the imperial ambitions of Tsarist Russia, aimed at extending its influence in the Central Asian and Khorasan regions. The Akhal Treaty between Iran and Russia established the continuation of the river's path from the Serkhs border point, incorporating the Kashf River and designating it as the water boundary between Iran and Russia. Consequently, the geopolitical and hydro political significance of this river was heightened at both national and international levels. After the collapse of the Tsarist regime in October 1917 and the establishment of the Soviet government, issues regarding the water borders of the two countries continued to be centered around the Turkmen region on either side of the river. main issues of this research involve examining the implications of changing the status of the Harirud River as a water border among three countries and the border challenges between Iran and Russia under the new conditions. also addresses both parties' negligence in accurately implementing specialized protocols and agreements related to water and border rivers, as well as the impact of these issues on the agricultural lives of the residents along the banks of the Harirud River. Additionally, it investigates the actions of local officials from both sides and measures regarding water governance in the rivers and water economy,

Abstract divine test refers to a kind of ritual verification was used in ancient civilizations like Iran, Mesopotamia, Egypt and Cاina. before Aryans arrival this ceremony was prevalent in ancient Elam under the influence of Mesopotamian courts. the oldest signs of the ceremony has been shown in Avestan texts. using library tools and historical analysis methods through a functionalist approach the author's goal is to conduct an analytical study of the role of divine test ceremony in proving claims against women in Sasanian judicial procedure. the main question is what divine tests were available in Sassanian jurisprudential texts for the evidence of a crime and what function did they have in Sassanian society? the functional study of legal jurisprudential texts showed that criminal offenses in the Sassanid era were divided into three general categories: crrimes against God, the King and others. women legal status had been improved. enjoying property and social rights women had the right to sue and testify in courts alone and own their own dowry. if a woman was accused of adultery and disobedience by her husband and she did not confess, the Judge would rule that woman was innocent. and also in this era women were exempt from divine verification ceremony.

Abstract Evaluating the intellectual orientations, political conduct, and strategic actions of the leaders and combatants of the Constitutional Revolution constitutes a significant strand of modern Iranian historiography—one often shaped by polemics, apologetics, and partisan judgments. Within this context, Taqizadeh, as one of the prominent intellectual and political figures of the Constitutional movement, has consistently drawn the attention of scholars and thinkers, including Sayyed Ahmad Kasravi. In his works on the Constitutional era, Kasravi repeatedly assessed, analyzed, and criticized Taqizadeh’s political behavior, raising issues that prompted not only Taqizadeh himself but also a number of contemporary intellectuals and writers to respond and articulate their own views. This study aims to verify the accuracy of Kasravi’s critiques by identifying the key issues he raised and examining them in light of Taqizadeh’s documented activities during the Constitutional years. Based on the preliminary hypothesis, Taqizadeh—contrary to Kasravi’s assertions—sought conciliation with Mohammad Ali Shah in the days preceding the bombardment of the Majles, largely due to threats issued by the Russian and British envoys. He urged restraint, discouraged the mobilization of armed constitutionalists, and on the eve of the bombardment chose seclusion and ultimately took refuge in the British Legation rather than joining the resistance. The findings suggest that, despite Kasravi’s claims, Taqizadeh was neither an agent nor a collaborator of British policy; rather, Kasravi’s misperception stemmed from an exaggerated belief in British support for the Constitutionalists. This research, drawing on library sources, journals, and relevant studies, employs a descriptive‑analytical method to reassess these contested interpretations.

Abstract The irrigation network of the Mianab Plain in Khuzestan represents a unique example of ancient local efforts to optimize water resources, embodying a long-term interaction between humans and their environment. In certain periods, extensive irrigation systems led to significant expansion in both the area and number of settlements. Most previous research emphasizes unprecedented expansion of irrigation infrastructure during the Sassanian period and assumes its collapse following the empire’s fall. The aim of this study is to examine the trajectory of irrigation network changes in ancient Iran (from the proto Elamite to the advent of Islam) and to analyze their relationship with political developments and settlement patterns, using a descriptive–analytical approach and drawing on three main categories of sources: archaeological data, historical texts, and remote sensing datasets.
The findings of this research indicate that significant transformations in water management—marked by the construction of complex man-made canals—began in the Parthian period, with the Dariun canal, and continued into the Sassanian era through the maintenance and optimization of the existing network. Contrary to the traditional assumption of collapse in irrigation systems following the Islamic conquests, evidence of agricultural prosperity during the Islamic period and the continued use of irrigation infrastructure underscore the prominent role of elites and local communities in sustaining and preserving those systems. These results emphasize the need to revise classical models of civilization collapse caused by regime changes and to recognize the social adaptation mechanisms within communities in relation to hydraulic networks.

Abstract Facing a structural decline in the traditional Iqta system and recurrent exogenous shocks—including plague, famine, and external military threats—the Burji Mamluk state increasingly relied on non-territorial revenue streams to sustain its military hegemony. Utilizing an 'extractive political economy' framework, this study analyzes the mechanisms through which Mamluk sultans exerted control over six primary non-agrarian financial sources: endowments (Awqaf), arbitrary levies (Makūs), state monopolies, the sale of offices (Bay’ al-Waza’if), the Diwan al-Mufrad, and monetary manipulation via the mint. The research evaluates the extent to which these fiscal practices diverged from the normative principles of Islamic political economy, specifically regarding justice, anti-hoarding injunctions , and administrative probity. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology grounded in primary historical chronicles, the findings demonstrate that sultans (notably Barquq and Barsbay) transformed these resources into instruments of state capture . While practices such as the institutionalization of corruption , strategic monopolies on sugar and spices , and the sale of high offices (reaching up to 32,000 dinars) provided short-term liquidity for the military elite, they triggered long-term systemic pathologies . These included artificial inflation , capital flight, and a profound loss of public legitimacy, which ultimately accelerated the economic and political collapse of the Mamluk Sultanate .

Abstract The issue of labor movements in the oil industry has been one of the most important issues and at the same time the challenges facing this industry in its history of the last two centuries. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, had a wide range & scope of activity from Iraq to Oman. The company's relationship with workers and interact with the problems of the modern era and the extent to which they benefit from social and labor rights, and at the same time the nature of the relationship between the workers' communities involved in the company's activities throughout the region, is an issue that has received less attention so far due to the lack of documents and resources. The fundamental question in this context is what was the nature of the relations between the oil industry workers in the form of the labor community of the countries of the Persian Gulf and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company? The prevailing assumption is that although there were signs of a connection between the labor community in the oil-rich areas of southern Iran and the company's area of activity on the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, there are signs of behavioral disintegration between the employees of the oil companies of the Persian Gulf and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company and their workers. The research method in the present study will be descriptive-analytical. That is, first we will describe and explain the issue under discussion and finally we will analyze and explain its dimensions and angles.

Abstract Abstract

Age is one of the key social indicators in marriage, reflecting the cultural, economic, and familial conditions of society. The present study aims to examine the historical trajectory of changes in the age of marriage. The author first describes the state of marriage during the Qajar period in order to clarify the historical background of the law, then analyzes the process of transformation in the Marriage Law, and finally investigates its impact on society and individual attitudes. The central research question is: What effect did the Marriage Law have on the age of marriage, and how were these changes reflected in society?

The hypothesis of this study is that, despite the enactment of the law, traditional patterns of early marriage persisted in many families. Data collection has been carried out through both library research and interviews. The findings indicate that factors such as cultural pressure regarding “leftover girls,” religious interpretations, and economic structures contributed to the persistence of these patterns. However, signs of change are also evident, including an increase in the age of marriage, the growing agency of women in choosing a spouse, and their greater participation in education and employment. These changes, nevertheless, have not been uniform or complete across different generations and regions.

Abstract The Caucasus region, of which Shirvan is a part, has long been a battleground for major empires such as the Assyrians, Urartians, Medes, Achaemenids, Seleucids, Parthians, Romans, Sassanids, and Arabs, witnessing numerous bloody conflicts throughout history. Each of these regional and local powers undertook significant military campaigns to conquer this area, experiencing intense battles in the process. Following the decline of the two great empires of the Sassanids and Byzantines, Muslim Arabs, inspired by the verses of the Quran and the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), and relying on the sacred religion of Islam, embraced the new doctrine of brotherhood and equality to expand their political borders eastward and westward. They encroached upon the territories of empires such as the Sassanids and Rome, extending their own borders into many of their subordinate regions. However, during the reign of the third caliph, this expansionist policy in the Caucasus encountered resistance from the local population, culminating in the Arabs' defeat in the Battle of Shirvan. This effectively halted their expansionist ambitions in the region, and the Caliph ordered the Arabs to maintain their positions without further aggression or advancement. Historical documents and texts contain numerous and varied reports of Muslim military campaigns in the Caucasus region. This article aims to explore and analyze the circumstances and conditions that led to the cessation of the Muslim Arabs' expansionist policy in the area, challenging its implications through descriptive and analytical methods. The Caucasus region, of which Shirvan is a part, has long been a battleground for major empires such as the Assyrians, Urartians, Medes, Achaemenids, Seleucids, Parthians, Romans, Sassanids, and Arabs, witnessing numerous bloody conflicts throughout history. Each of these regional and local powers undertook significant military campaigns to conquer this area, experiencing intense battles in the process. Following the decline of the two great empires of the Sassanids and Byzantines, Muslim Arabs, inspired by the verses of the Quran and the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), and relying on the sacred religion of Islam, embraced the new doctrine of brotherhood and equality to expand their political borders eastward and westward.

Abstract For the study and teaching of the history of any polity, some form of periodization is indispensable, and Ottoman history is no exception. Nevertheless, the periodization of Ottoman history has today become a highly contested issue. Whereas early Ottoman historians, largely following the conventional patterns of Islamic historiography, based their periodization on the reigns of Ottoman sultans or on centuries, later Ottoman historians—through their encounter with European models of historical periodization—sought to construct a scheme with clearly defined historical phases, from the rise to the decline of the Ottoman state. Although these periodizations were articulated either within the broader framework of Islamic history or as independent historical narratives, following the collapse of the Ottoman state and during the early Republican era, Ottoman history and its periodization came to be firmly situated within the framework of Turkish history. In recent years, however, this classical periodization of Ottoman history has been subjected to critical reassessment, particularly in light of growing doubts concerning the theory of Ottoman decline from the late tenth century AH/sixteenth century CE onward. Accordingly, the present study undertakes a historical examination of the problems associated with the periodization of Ottoman history and, by integrating the classical approaches of Ottoman historians with the perspectives of contemporary critics, proposes a sevenfold periodization of Ottoman history. These major periods are further subdivided into smaller phases—twenty periods in total—in order to ensure greater compatibility with historical transformations and to reflect more effectively the overall trajectory of Ottoman history.

Abstract This study aims to analyze the relationship between the political–cultural context of the Buyid rule and the conceptual framework of Abū ʿAlī Miskawayh by examining the emergence of “ethics-oriented historiography” in the Islamic tradition. The central research question concerns how the institutional and epistemic conditions of the Buyid period, in interaction with Miskawayh’s bureaucratic experience and virtue-based method, led to the formation of a political–ethical rationality in which history becomes an instrument for normative judgment and political reform. Adopting a qualitative and interpretive approach and drawing on intra-textual and extra-textual analysis of Miskawayh’s two major works, Tajārib al-Umam and Tahdhīb al-Akhlaq, the study demonstrates how the Buyids’ rationalist religious tolerance, together with Miskawayh’s administrative experience and analytical method, facilitated a transition from mere chronicle-writing to ethics-oriented historiography.
The findings indicate that through causal analysis of political events and critique of fiscal and administrative policies, Miskawayh extracted principles such as distributive justice, moderate political economy, and governmental fiscal responsibility from historical experience, thereby elevating history from a narrative of events to a “laboratory of political ethics.” Within this framework, the role of the historian shifts from a reporter of events to a normative analyst, and politics is redefined as the art of governing for the common good. The results further show that, in Miskawayh’s thought, historical experience is transformed through rational judgment into a normative and generalizable rule, establishing a structural link between ethics, history, and politics.

Abstract It seems that divine charisma vested sovereignty in the form of pills or a family inheritance .Normally absolute political sovereignty, which some have assumed political vision today. It is true rupture charisma claim to have been proposed, But never imagined that this rupture was diagnosed with rule would not mind, Foreign invasion was only the legitimacy of divine charisma to challenge. With the fall of the Sassanids and Islam in Iran as some have imagined Which is the subject of divine charisma of the Islamic Dvin era, partly in the belief people have been in force mentionThis was, however, the perception and opinion of the rulers and their subordinates regarding the rule itself. Whether this belief in the rule itself spread to the body of society or not is another matter. And every so often in the form of sights and sounds, including under the aegis of God is released, But such a thorough and detailed historical texts can not be correct, including structure, culture and Insight court ruling, port t Islamic rule background the early Safavid era of antiquity is not subject divine charisma. It is also very doubtful when it is God's shadow. This article seeks to answer this question through a research approach with a theoretical design and analysis based on multiple primary sources..

Abstract Modern education in Qajar-era Iran (1801–1925 CE) began with the establishment of European-style schools, marking one of the most significant symbols of modernization in Iran’s contemporary history. Following half a century of activity by French and American missionary religious schools, Dar ul-Funun was founded in 1851 CE (1230 SH) by Amir Kabir as the first state-sponsored school. During the reign of Mozaffar ad-Din Shah and under the patronage of Mirza Ali Khan Amin al-Dawla, a cultural movement led by Mirza Hassan Roshdieh emerged, leading to the establishment of dozens of public and national schools in Tehran and major cities. While these schools played a pivotal role in improving public literacy, their educational structure and content faced profound challenges. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology and drawing on sources such as personal memoirs, historical documents, Qajar-era publications, and scholarly research, this study investigates these inefficiencies. Findings reveal that the primary obstacles to institutional efficacy included the absence of centralized oversight, non-enforcement of ratified laws, neglect of primary education, insufficient allocated budgets, appointment of administrators based on personal connections rather than merit, persistence of traditional punitive and evaluative methods, hiring of unqualified teachers, and reliance on heterogeneous curricular materials. Additionally, the incomplete imitation of European educational systems and resistance to foundational reforms created a deep gap between the ideals of reformers and the realities of implementation. By critiquing earlier descriptive approaches, this article focuses on analyzing the roots of inefficiency and demonstrates how the conflict between tradition and modernity hindered sustainable educational transformation during

Abstract Historians of the Qajar era, followed by some later researchers, have attributed the emergence of Bārfurūsh to the Safavid period, especially the reign of Shāh ʿAbbās I (r. 996–1038 AH), and some even to the early Qajar era under Fatḥ-ʿAlī Shāh (r. 1211–1250 AH). Yet, earlier sources indicate that “Bārfurūshdeh” arose in the second half of the eighth century AH upon the ruins of the ancient city of Māmaṭīr. The residence of Mīr Qiwām al-Dīn Marʿashī, founder of the Marʿashī dynasty, in this area marked a turning point in its development, gradually making Bārfurūshdeh a new center of power in Māzandarān. Relying on primary sources and using a descriptive–analytical approach, this study examines the causes and process of Bārfurūshdeh’s growth during the Marʿashī period until the reign of Shāh ʿAbbās I (996–1038 AH). The findings show that Bārfurūshdeh had already gained urban status before the time of Shāh ʿAbbās. Its geographical advantages, communicative position, water resources, and fertile lands, created the conditions for growth, while the Marʿashīs’ decentralizing policies and the role of local elites were decisive in its development. By the mid-tenth century AH, Bārfurūshdeh had become a politically and economically important city, and at times the center of Māzandarān. Thus, this research challenges the assumption that the emergence of Bārfurūshdeh/ Bārfurūsh belongs only to the Safavid or Qajar periods.

Abstract The study of criminal justice in the Qajar era (prior to the Constitutional Revolution) is of particular importance as the backdrop against which the modern penal system emerged in Iran. By examining criminal justice during the Qajar period, this research seeks to answer the question of whether a discernible order or a unified system governing criminal justice can, in fact, be identified in this era. Two principal approaches may be distinguished in studies concerning criminal justice in the Qajar period: the dualistic approach, examined in this article primarily through the works of Willem Floor, and a competing approach developed in the writings of Christoph Werner. While critically engaging with both perspectives, the present article argues that neither approach is ultimately satisfactory. Instead, it proposes an alternative interpretation, maintaining that criminal justice in this period was not founded upon any clearly defined order, and that attempts to identify a coherent system inevitably encounter numerous contradictory examples. The “non-systemic” interpretation advanced as the central argument of this article challenges the shared tendency in the works of Werner and Floor to trace a form of order and coherence within Qajar criminal justice. Rather, it conceptualizes criminal justice as the outcome of the absence of a stable and clearly defined order among fluctuating circles of power, thereby identifying it as an inherently irregular and fragmented phenomenon. This conclusion is grounded in an understanding of the Qajar state as fundamentally weak, such that no integrated and overarching order could realistically be discerned under its authority.

Abstract This study examines the position of the historical port of Siraf in the formation, expansion, and continuity of commercial relations between Iran and East Africa from the 3rd to the 6th centuries AH.
Main Research Question: In what ways Siraf contribute to the development of commercial relations between Iran and East Africa?
Research Hypothesis: The research is based on the hypothesis that Siraf, as an international port and the principal maritime base of Iranians during the early Islamic centuries, functioned not only as a center for the exchange of goods but also as a key conduit for human mobility and cultural and technical interactions between Iran and East Africa.
Methodology/Approach: The study employs a descriptive–analytical methodology, drawing on early Islamic historical and geographical sources, travel accounts, archaeological evidence, and historical data analysis to evaluate Siraf’s role within the Indian Ocean trade system.
Findings and Conclusion: The findings indicate that during the early Islamic centuries, Siraf operated as a central hub within the Indian Ocean commercial network rather than merely a trading post. Its strategic geographical position, advanced maritime facilities, and the presence of an influential class of merchants and sailors enabled the port to support extensive economic exchanges as well as sustained human, cultural, and technical interactions with the East African coast. Siraf played a crucial role in organizing maritime voyages and providing logistical support for the migration of Shirazi Iranians to East Africa, thereby reinforcing its significance in regional relations from the 2nd to the 6th centuries AH.

Abstract The present study aims to elucidate the methods by which merchant benefactors in the city of Sari selected the trustees of their endowments during the Qajar period, and to analyze the social logic underpinning these choices. As one of the most significant institutions structuring economic, religious, and social affairs in Qajar Iran, the waqf system reflected local configurations of power, social trust, and kinship networks. The process through which founders appointed trustees offers valuable insight into patterns of trust, the status of social groups, and the function of kinship ties within Sari’s urban society. The findings indicate that trustee selection was predominantly embedded within the benefactors’ kinship networks, and in some cases showed a tendency toward individuals possessing recognized religious or social standing. This suggests that trust grounded in familial ties, as well as religious prestige, played a critical role in the management of endowments.Furthermore, the results show that merchant benefactors, by choosing trustees from among relatives or persons with notable social reputation, sought to ensure the continuity of the endowments’ functions and the safeguarding of their intended purposes. Overall, the pattern of trustee appointment in Sari’s Qajar-period endowments reflects the city’s social structure, the significance of kinship networks, and the central role of religious status in mechanisms of social trust. It also demonstrates that the administration of endowments relied less on formal institutional procedures and more on social relationships and individual credibility.

Abstract Local historiography in Iran experienced significant quantitative and qualitative growth during the Qajar era, undergoing a fundamental transformation in both its underlying drivers and historiographical characteristics. Consequently, Kurdish local historiography, influenced by these emerging conditions, underwent a similar evolution, much like many other regions across the country. While the Sharafnameh of Bidlisi had previously stood as the only major work dedicated to Kurdish history, the period from the beginning to the end of the Qajar era witnessed the production of numerous works in this field. Indeed, it can be argued that Kurdish local historiography truly took shape and reached its zenith during this period. Through an examination and reading of Qajar-era Kurdish local chronicles, and by employing a qualitative content analysis and descriptive method, the author seeks to address the following question: What are the indicators and components of the quantitative and qualitative growth of
Kurdish local historiography during the Qajar period? The research findings indicate that the characteristics and components of Kurdish local historiography in the Qajar era exhibit certain similarities and differences compared to the local historiography of other Iranian regions during the same period, all of which are explored in detail in this article. . . .

Abstract Throughout history, influential political, military, social, literary, and cultural figures have played significant roles in their time and beyond, leading to the creation of numerous documents and written sources about them. The Abu-Qaddareh family was among the few hereditary governors in Iran who ruled over the Pusht-e Kuh region—originally including Pusht-e Kuh (present-day Ilam) and Pish-e Kuh (Khorramabad)—for nearly three centuries, from the Safavid period to the early Pahlavi era. They represent an inseparable part of the history of this land. Among them, Gholamreza Khan, the most powerful and influential governor during the Qajar period, is associated with the highest number of administrative correspondences and petitions.His active involvement in political and military affairs resulted in extensive communications between governmental institutions and ministries, which consequently expanded the administrative documentation system of the Qajar state. The content of these records covers various topics, including legal claims, judicial and financial matters, taxation, security issues, and official reports. The presence of documents issued with the official letterhead of “Gholamreza Khan Amir-e Jang” distinguishes the administrative correspondence of this period from others. Accordingly, the main objective of this innovative research is to examine, through a descriptive-analytical and archival methodology, the role of Gholamreza Khan in the creation and expansion of significant administrative documents and petitions in Pusht-e Kuh during the Qajar era.

Abstract Studying religions solely from an external perspective cannot lead to true understanding and results only in a superficial grasp of religious depth. Therefore, it is necessary to consider the internal dimension of religions as well, so that the nature of a religion may be examined in relation to the degree of its historical authenticity. With the rise of Islam, attention toward the Sabians—one of the celestial religions present in the Arabian Peninsula and adjacent regions at the dawn of Islam—increased among Muslims. The Qur’an mentions this religion alongside Judaism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism among the People of the Book. However, a considerable portion of historical and early Islamic exegetical sources identifies the Sabians as star‑worshipers. Yet the religious life and beliefs of the Sabians in the present era—especially in areas such as monotheism, prophethood, and resurrection—are inconsistent with this depiction. On the one hand, the Qur’an calls humanity toward monotheism, and on the other hand, it grounds the philosophy of prophethood in this very principle. This raises the question of how the Qur’an could place a group of polytheistic, star‑worshiping people among the People of the Book. This study seeks to answer how the Sabians came to be portrayed as star‑worshipers in Islamic historiographical texts despite their recognition as a divine religion. Using a descriptive–analytical method and emphasizing Sabian sources as well as Islamic historical texts, the study aims to offer a documented response.

Abstract The transfer of the capital of the Kingdom of Hormuz to the island of Jeron (New Hormuz) on the eve of the eighth century AH is considered a wise move by the Hormuz rulers. It paved the way for the beginning of a new chapter for the seafaring state of Hormuz. This important move was supported and backed by political and judicial institutions.This research aims to answer the question, using a descriptive-analytical approach and based on library resources, of who and how provided political and judicial support to the rulers of Hormuz in transferring and relocating the capital of their government to the island of Jeron (New Hormuz).
The results of the research indicate that the rise of officials in the Kerman province on the eve of the eighth century AH played an influential role in supporting and assisting the Hormuz rulers in moving the capital of their state.One of the most important of these officials was Maulana Taj al-Din Khafi, who was elected as the judge of Sirjan and the land and sea kingdoms of Kerman province during this period. By ending the rebellion in the ruling family of Hormuz and supporting Baha al-Din Ayaz, one of the agents of the Hormuz government, he supported him the most in moving the capital of the Hormuz government to the island of Jerun (New Hormuz).

Abstract The historical geography of Islamic Iran, as a specialized field concerned with the transformation of places, regions, networks, and spatial relations in the past, has often been limited to the identification of place-names, the delimitation of territories, and the reconstruction of routes and cities. Focusing on the third to eighth centuries AH, this article examines how historical geography can move geographical texts from the level of description to the explanation of historical processes. In this study, the “spatial turn” refers to an approach that regards space and place not as neutral backgrounds, but as historical and social phenomena that shape power, economy, identity, and narrative. The article seeks to redefine the position of historical geography within the study of Islamic Iran and to propose a model for the critical and spatial analysis of sources. It employs a historical-analytical method based on a comparative reading of the works of Ibn Khurradadhbih, al-Yaqubi, al-Istakhri, Ibn Hawqal, al-Muqaddasi, Hudud al-Alam, Yaqut al-Hamawi, and Hamdallah Mustawfi. The theoretical framework draws on the concepts of the production of space, Thirdspace, relational place, and genius loci, while historical GIS is treated as a tool for linking spatial and temporal data, reconstructing networks, and analyzing spatial change. The findings show that each source represents a particular form of historical geography, ranging from administrative and regional to urban, mnemonic, and fiscal. Historical geography becomes an explanatory and specialized approach when data extraction, source criticism, spatial analysis, and the explicit recording of data reliability are applied simultaneously.

Abstract In the 16^th century, international trade underwent profound changes, the establishment of trade corporations and new trade routes being among the most significant proofs and evidence. The Muscovy Company was one of the first companies to successfully explore and incorporate a new marine route into international trade. It was also able to initiate the first direct commercial and diplomatic relations between England and Iran through the northern seas and Russia. However, after twenty years of business work in Safavid Iran, it ceased its commercial activities in Iran and English commerce. This paper investigates the causes that prompted Muscovy Company to discontinue trade with Iran via the northern seas with Russia, as well as the effective factors that led to this decision. This paper employs a descriptive-analytical approach based on library sources to investigate the reasons for the temporary break in commercial relations between England and Iran in the second half of the 16^th century. Our research indicates that the political relations between the Safavid, Ottoman, Russian, and English governments, as well as the ensuing wars and peace, competition, and hostile relations, negatively impacted the company's operations. The geographical and security conditions that dominated the company's route created numerous obstacles for the business of the English merchandise. In addition to overcoming these obstacles, they had to compete with ancient and experienced Turks, Armenians, and Venetians on the Iranian market. The aforementioned impediments persuaded the London-based leaders of the Muscovy Company to abandon trade with Iran via the northern routes.

Abstract Scholars, in their study of Parthian numismatics, mostly emphasize the Hellenistic and Persian-Achaemenid heritage and ignore Scythian cultural elements. One of the most important motifs on these coins is the upright headgear of the king. The main purpose of this research is to examine the origin of early Arsacid kings’ headgear which is generally assumed to be an imitation of Achaemenid satrapal coins and Persian culture. Due to the Scythian background of the Arsacids, however, the article proposes a Scythian origin for this headgear. It examines the origin of this headgear by comparing Arsacid coins with Achaemenid, Scythian, and Greek motifs and classical sources. The result of our comparison indicates that the Arsacid headgear, unlike the soft and loose Persian one, has a striking resemblance with the stiff pointed Scythian headgear which is depicted in Achaemenid and Greek art. Consequently, it can be argued that the early Arsacid headgear was probably a sort of Scythian headgear belonging to Aparni or Dahaean tribes. The trace of this headgear can be found in some classical texts in which it is refered to as “kurbasia.” The study of the terms used for headgears in these texts illustrates that the word kurbasia, which was initially used for the Scythian headgear, in later periods, was confused with an upright ridged Persian headgear exclusively for the Achaemenid great king. Apart from their similar stiffness, it seems that both headgears had a common neck protection which further caused their misidentification.

Abstract “Karim Khan Zand” is one of the most prominent people who was able to establish his rule over important parts of Iran after the death of “Nader Shah Afshar”. Many stories have been told about his behavior and character in different sources, one of the most important of these quotes is about “Karim Khan Zand”'s title, which means "  Vakil al-ra aya ". Later, many researchers have given many reasons in response to the attribution of this title to “Karim Khan Zand”, which are not consistent with historical documents and sources, and in addition, with the political and social context of Iran's pre-constitutional society. Therefore, the main question of this research is, when was the title " Vakil al-ra aya " used for “Karim Khan” and what are the factors affecting its use? This research answers these questions with a historical method and a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on the content analysis of the documents and the critical study of the historical sources of" the Zand dynasty"  and "Qajar" periods. The results of this research show that the contemporary sources of "Karim Khan Zand" did not mention this title during his lifetime, on the other hand, "Karim Khan Zand" also considered himself as " Vakil al-daula " of ” Ismail III" after the defeat of the claimants. For the first time, under “Majamal al-Tawarikh,”  by “Kohmera” mentions “Karim Khan” with the title of “ Vakil al-ra aya ”, the reason for which was his interest in “Khan Zand” and 's actions for the prosperity and well-being of the people.Also, the writing of the following and referring to this nickname is late from the time of Karim Khan. What is clear is that many researchers consider the title of  Vakil al-ra aya for Karim Khan as a proof of the existence of some kind of political relationship between him and the people, which is a distinct feature of the political order of the modern era. But according to the available documents, it can be said that such a perception cannot represent the type of relationship between the people and the ruler during “the Zand dynasty” period; Because it was with the constitutional revolution that Iranians were able to put aside the old political order and implement a new order based on representation in Iran. Based on this, it can be said that in addition to historical documents, the political structure of Iran during” the Zand dynasty” period could not be a place for such a relationship

Abstract Sasanians’ converting to Zoroastrianism and their relations with Zoroastrian clerics have been important issues of the history studies on the Sasanians. In the past one and a half century, a number of scholars, referring to a report on Sasan by Tabari, the eponymous ancestor of the Sasanians, have assumed religious office such as mobed, hērbed, or the guardian of the fire temple for him, and have taken it as evidence for the Sasanians’ presumed priestly lineage. Some have even considered the success of the Sasanians in overcoming the Arsacid Empire as an outcome of their new religious tendency. In addition, Agathias’s report on Ardashir I, the founder of the Sasanian dynasty, has also been used by some scholars as another piece of evidence to suppose a clerical rank for him. Reexamining Tabari’s report and evaluating it in the context of the Zoroastrian legal system, this study demonstrates that Sasan’s office in Anahit’s fire temple was not a priestly one, and Agathias’s report on Ardashir has nothing to do with priestly ranks. To the contrary, these reports, when considered together with all other evidence, confirm Sasanians’ connection with the local nobility of Fars region.

Abstract Ayādgār ī Zarērān is one of the oldest epic texts left from the Sasanian era, which has an epic account of the Iranians' battle with the invading tribes in northeastern Iran. Although this book was written during the Sasanian period and in the Sasanian Pahlavi language, but some scholars believe that Ayādgār ī Zarērān belongs to the Parthian period and has been narrated by the Gosans. Although the proper names in this story belong to a very ancient period, but the names of positions and Xionites are clearly related to the Sasanian period. In the present article, the author tries to explain the time of writing or combining the subject of Ayādgār ī Zarērān with the event of the Sasanian period by comparatively examining the content of Ayādgār ī Zarērān with Al-Tanbīh wa l-ishrāf and the Chinese work Weishu. A comparative study of the information related to the political structure in Ayādgār ī Zarērān with the information in Al-Tanbīh and Weishu shows that the text of Ayādgār ī Zarērān contains details of the political structure of Yazdgerd ii’s court and was probably rewritten during the reign of this king. The presence of Yazdgerd II in the northeast of Iran and the special conditions of that region are probably the main motivation for the writing of Ayādgār ī Zarērān.

Abstract The Great Game of Russia and Britain, which began in the early nineteenth century, led to the confrontation of the two powers in Iran until the early twentieth century. The Russian-British rivalry in Iran intensified after the second round of Iran-Russia wars in the Caucasus, when the restoration of Iran’s historical rule over Herat was on the agenda of the Iranian government, resulting in the siege of Herat in 1837, an incident that caused British politicians to worry about Russia’s expansion in the western borders of India. The findings of this study indicate that the idea of ​​capturing Herat was partly influenced by Russians’ support to divert the Iranian government’s attention from the Caucasus. In addition, with the Herat crisis and Britain’s concern about the expansion of Russia’s influence on the borders of India, the creation of a buffer state became vital in the framework of India’s defense strategy. Under the circumstances that Russians were supporting the Iranian court during the siege of Herat, Palmerston’s regional and extra-regional aggressive policy, followed by Russians’ passive stance, led to the rapid deployment of force to the Persian Gulf and ended the campaign in Herat in favor of Britain. Afterwards, Britain stabilized its position in today’s Afghanistan. Contrary to other studies that mostly examine the issue of Herat in the framework of Iran’s relations with Britain, Russia, or the Emirate of Afghanistan, this article examines the issue of Herat’s siege in the context of the Great Game.

Abstract Al-Lat, al-Uzza, and Manat are among the Arabian ideas which are mentioned in the Quran and which, throughout history, have been studied by many scholars. While the common idea is that these goddesses are “daughters of Allah” or “Banat Allah,” in the vast majority of the early Islamic sources, such a identifiation is not attributed to them and even the daughters of Allah have mostly been specified as angels. This study examines the nature of these goddesses and their relationship with the idea of "daughters of Allah". Considering pre-Quranic sources as well as the verses of the Quran, this study conducts a critical reading of the early Islamic literature.The most important questions are as follows: who are al-Lat, al-Uzza, and Manat? How are they introduced in pre-Quranic sources, the Quran, and the early Islamic sources? What is the relationship between these Arabian goddesses and the idea of "daughters of Allah" in each of these sources? And how these sources help us to understand the nature of these deities? The findings of this study indicate that although the Arabian goddesses are not referred to as "daughters of Allah" in the Quran and pre-Quranic sources, given the contradictions and differences in the early Muslims Material, this belief can be considered possible among pre-Islamic Arabs.