Historical Sciences Studies

Abstract   Spragens's theory of crisis is presented to understand political ideas in the form of dividing the text of thought into propositions focused on the crisis, the causes of the crisis, the solution to the crisis, and an ideal society without crisis. The present study, by utilizing this theory, attempts to understand the dominant thought in the book The Ideology of the Iranian Constitutional Movement written by Fereydoun Adamiyat, using a library method and the method of content analysis. The assumption of this study is that the historian of thought and society, which carries the changes in thought, practically acts as a political theorist by analyzing and selecting reports. Therefore, by relying on the commonality of both fields of political thought and history in relying on the text, it is possible to reread the Adamiyat's The Ideology from the perspective of Spragens' theory. The achievement of this study shows that Adamiyat, like a political thinker, also believed in the existence of a crisis in the society he narrated in his work. This crisis had manifested itself in political, social, and economic forms, and Iranian society was suffering from it on the eve of constitutionalism. Adamiyat considers the causes of this crisis to be Absolutism, i.e., the absence of the rule of law and the Iranian society's lack of a legislative assembly and an efficient government based on the law, and he considers constitutionalism to be the way out of it, relying on the creation of a legislative assembly and the establishment of a government based on the spirit of Iranian nationality. An analysis of the work's themes shows that Adamiyat's ideal society is a modernized Iranian society in the Western style, in which the concepts of people, rights, and freedom are given authority and a structure based on law, a parliament, and an efficient government are put into practice.

Abstract  
The reconstruction of Median history in modern scholarship primarily relies on two main sources: the Greek narrative, particularly Herodotus' Histories, and the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian sources written in cuneiform. Scholars like Diakonoff (1956) regarded Herodotus as providing "the only genuine coherent history of Media." Despite his extensive use of cuneiform records related to Media, Diakonoff still validated the key events of Median history primarily through Herodotus. This reliance on Greek sources, while valuable, has shaped modern interpretations of the Median kingdom, often overshadowing the wealth of information found in contemporary cuneiform texts. This essay critically re-examines four fundamental aspects of the Median kingdom as described by Herodotus, revisiting these themes in light of cuneiform evidence. The aspects explored include: the establishment of an empire by the Medes, the existence of a unified Median royal dynasty, the number of kings who ruled Media and their familial relationships, and whether or not the kingdom of Cyrus the Great was a vassal of Media before its rise. Additionally, the essay delves into the political and military developments of the late seventh century BCE, when a new force emerged in the Ancient Near East, leading to the eventual downfall of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. It argues that cuneiform sources should be prioritized over Greek accounts due to their closer proximity to the events they describe, thus offering a more direct view of Median history. The analysis also considers the biases inherent in both the Greek and cuneiform narratives, acknowledging how political and religious motives may have influenced their portrayals of events. Ultimately, the essay calls for a more nuanced understanding of the Medes, suggesting that a combination of both Greek and cuneiform sources, when critically analyzed, can offer a more comprehensive, balanced reconstruction of Median history, culture, politics, and lasting legacy.

Abstract     tranDuring the Arab invasion of Iran, Yazdegerd III (r. 632–651) reportedly granted the Dabuyid ruler Gil Gavbara control over Tabaristan. Gil Gavbara's son, Baduspan I, was given control over Ruyan in 665, thereby establishing the Baduspanid dynasty, which governed the region until the 1590s. Following the demise of Kayumarth I in 1453, a dynastic conflict ensued, leading to the division of the Baduspanid kingdom between Kayumarth’s sons, Iskandar IV and Ka'us II, in Kojur and Nur respectively. Amidst the strife between these two brothers, the castles of Mazandaran they have gained significant importance, with their control playing a pivotal role in the survival of each contender. Among these fortresses, Espe-rūz or Espe-rez Castle stands out as one of the most prominent, having long intrigued historians. This article seeks to pinpoint the location of this castle by analyzing historical and archaeological findings discovered in Zanous village, situated in Kojour District of Nowshahr County, Mazandaran province, Iran. When the author was examining the documents of the old families of Tabaristan to write an article about Baduspanan, he came across the name of Espe-rez and the existence of the Espe-rez Castle in the mountains around the Zanos forest in Kejur Mazandaran. Further examination of the documents, historical texts and research about this topic revealed two views about the castle and Mount Espe-rez recorded in the local documents of Tabaristan and the castle of Espe-rūz mentioned in the historical texts. Scholars such as Rabino still consider its location unknown, and some like Professor Manouchehr Sotoudeh, without mentioning any documents, consider Espe-rūz Castle to be in the vicinity of Kajour. However, after observing historical and archeological evidence, the author came to the hypothesis that the village and fortress of Espe-rez in the ancient documents and rumors of the natives of the region could be the same as the village and fortress of Espe-rūz in historical texts.

Abstract
The Elamite pantheon underwent significant changes in the course of long history of Elam, since the treaty between Akkadian king, Narām-Sin and Hitta, king of Awan dynasty in the late 3rd millennium BC until the Achaemenid era, when tablets were still written in Elamite language. The examination of the causes and factors influencing the rise and fall of the status and importance of various deities in Elamite religion has often been a secondary and implicit topic in studies of the Elamite religion. This paper takes a geographical approach to understanding the Elamite pantheon. In the Elamite kingdom, Susa, -located in the lowlands of Khuzestan and influenced by the of Mesopotamian culture- was the most important city and political capital. As a result, the kings of Elam frequently invoked Inšušinak, the patron deity of the city, for political purposes. With the rise of larger Elamite dynasties, especially during the middle Elamite period, the deities of the mountainous regions also gained prominence and respect in Susa. Among them, the sacred Anshanite couple, Napiriša (the Great God) and Kiririša (the Great Goddess), stand out, and their significance relation as heaven/father and earth/mother is symbolically represented in the Kurangan bas-relief. Consequently, the association of these three deities at the head of the Elamite pantheon aligns with the royal title "King of Anshan and Susa", reflecting the central elements of Elam’s political and cultural structure.

Abstract Dastak is a Persian term that holds several significant meanings in the historical geography of the Persian language, especially in Iran and India. While Persian documents in India, acknowledge this term as a form of Ahkām-i-Divāni (court orders), it occupies a similar conceptual realm as the term Daftar (notebook) in the historical geography of Iran; as it has also become common in adverbial combinations such as Daftar-u-Dastak, Dastak-u-Daftar, Daftar-Dastak, and Dastak-Daftar; nonetheless, consulting dictionaries and examining texts reveals that the definition of "Dastak" is more specific to the to the notion of "Daftar". This study used a descriptive-analytical methodology and library data analysis to identify "Dastak"; as a term and quiddity in Iranian diplomatics literature with distinct extrinsic and intrinsic properties.The current study reveals that Dastaks, from the perspective of the extrinsic structure, are small, hand-held notebooks, bounded in Bayyāzi manner (from the width), with (predominantly) cardboard covers, adorned with leather, cloth, or oil. From an intrinsic (content) standpoint, we have categorized them into four primary areas: 'daily accounts', 'property headings and lists', 'significant notes and writings', and the specialized Divani use of 'archiving Fards documents'. Ultimately, In terms of diplomatics, we should view Dastaks not as a distinct document type, but rather as a physical format, cumulative  carrier, or folder where its owner records and preserves Siyāqi accounts, lists, documents, notes, poems, and other significant writings.

Abstract The Qurazis, also known as the Banu Qurayza, were a group within the Jewish community who had been present in Yathrib for several centuries before the Hijra. After the Hijra, they were in interaction with the Muslims until the conflict of the fifth year of Hijra changed the circumstances. The existence of a group of people as survivors of the Banu Qurayza is a matter of agreement. According to well-known reports, these individuals were those who repented from breaking the treaty or were women and children. However, some reports, in addition to the aforementioned cases, consider the men who left the fortress and other residents to be among the survivors. The main issue of this article is to find traces of Qurazi men and to show the presence or role of the survivors of the Banu Qurayza in various fields after the fifth year. The role of Qurazi men or their male children and descendants and their agency in the decades and centuries that followed is important. This research has examined the significant presence of about forty of them and has tried to explain, using a descriptive-analytical method, in which areas the Qurazis' participation was greater. The results show that the roots of some of the narrations and reports related to the Jews and the Banu Qurayza in Muslim texts, including history, hadith, tafsir, and the like, go back to these individuals or at least their names exist in the middle layers of the Isnad of those narrations.

Abstract Plato in the Menexenus dialogue describes a conversation between Socrates and a young Athenian citizen, named Menexenus . In this dialogue, Socrates narrates a funeral speech in praise of Athenian warriors that killed in the battle and attributes it to Aspasia, lover of Pericles, prominent Athenian politician. In this speech, the courage and heroic actions of Athenian warriors in several wars against the Achaemenid forces are extolled as a golden chapter in the history of this city-state. The contents of Aspasia's speech, above all, an accepted and central narrative regarding the Greco- Persian wars one that was particularly endorsed by Athenian orators and politicians. In other words, it is clear according to the available evidence that this speech was composed following the common structure of funeral orations for Athenian soldiers, reflects the Athenian-approved perspective on Greek military engagements with the Achaemenid forces. therefore, this text presents a unique portrayal and specific to its time and place, of the military and political structure of the Achaemenid Empire as perceived by the people of Athens during its existence. This study uses a descriptive- analytical methodology to examine facts of this Athenian point of views, offering a critical interpretation of the accepted image of the Achaemenid Empire in the political thought of Athenian contemporaries with other available sources."

Abstract  The importance of the manners of sitting and standing of the courtiers and royal officials in most of the royal gatherings and the significance of the established patterns for the location of the officials in such meetings is one of the habitual elements in most of the Iranian courts, which can be found even in various records and non-textual evidences before and after the Safavid era. Nevertheless, one of the facts, for which one can find many proofs and textual evidences in the historiographies and travelogues' notes from the Safavid era is the order of sitting and standing of the courtiers and officials in royal gatherings of the Safavid court, which has been known as in most of the texts of this era as "Majlis-e Behesht Ayin". These manners has been mentioned frequently by many historiographers of the Safavid era, and this part of court culture can be clearly identified in the descriptive writings of travelers as well as the reports of foreign ambassadors to the Safavid court. Because many of them have faced this court etiquette and were required to strictly observe it in the meetings of the Safavid courtiers in the presence of the Shah. This article is aimed to identify the manners of sitting and standing in the court meetings, and furthermore is an attempt to extract the pattern of positions of the courtiers in the presence of the Safavid Shah based on the historical reports and the instructions mentioned in code of conduct of the Safavid era. In the final step, by examining the details of the findings of the prementioned manners of court culture in one of the frescos of the Chehelston Palace in Isfahan, an attempt is made to identify some details related to sitting and standing in the gatherings of the Safavid court.

Abstract  The rock reliefs of Sar-e Pol-e Zohab pass have been the focus of numerous scholarly publications over the past two centuries. From the very beginning, the strategic importance of this passage in the western Zagros mountains was clear to the visitors. It has always been one of the key points of the communication route between the Iranian plateau and the Mesopotamian plain and therefore had a special political and economic strategic importance. The presence of cuneiform inscriptions in Akkadian on two of these reliefs has provided valuable insights into their historical context. Among them, the relief inscribed by the Lullubi king Anubanini is the most well-known, owing to its inscription, which explicitly attributes the monument to him. However, analyzing these texts has not always been straightforward due to their height and the challenging accessibility of the inscriptions. In particular, the second inscription, whose author remains unidentified, has only been studied once, and many aspects of its translation remain ambiguous. Despite these uncertainties, various hypotheses put forth in recent decades regarding the ruling king and interpretations of the inscription have often been accepted as historical facts. This article aims not only to provide a comprehensive description of all the reliefs at the site and their scholarly history but also to critically assess the translation of the inscriptions and the assumptions underlying these interpretations. By doing so, it seeks to clarify the historical accuracy of these hypotheses for Iranian scholars. Ultimately, this contribution underscores the necessity of further research, particularly on the second inscription (relief Sar-e Pol-e Zohab I), to deepen our understanding of these significant relics in ancient Iranian history."

Abstract JORJĀN was an economic, cultural, scientific and political hub in the district of Jorjan during the third, fourth and fifth centuries AH. The prosperity of trade made it one of the richest cities in Iran. Historical Written sources have spoken about the commercial connection of the city of Jorjan with Neyshābūr, Khwarezm, Ray, the cities of Tabarestan especially Tamisa and Amol, and even the cities of the Caspian province on the other side of the Caspian lake. During the first six centuries of the Islamic era, the city of JORJĀN was known as the economic hub of the JORJĀN region. Jorjan had established trade relations and cultural exchanges with important cities such as Neyshabur, Ray, Amol and Khwarezm by land and with the cities of the Khazar region and beyond by sea. Therefore, the main question of the research was considered as what were the transportation routes of the city of Jorjan, during its life, from the first centuries of Islam until the time of the Mongol attack that caused the destruction of this city? According to the identification of the possible location of one of the gates of the city wall by the authors during the research, can we find a meaningful connection between the roads leading to the city and this gate? This research has been done using written historical sources and archaeological evidence and with a library method and a descriptive and analytical approach. The researches led to the identification of the roads connecting the city of Jorjan with Neyshabur, Ray, the cities of Tabarestan, Khwarezm and the port of Abaskun and a large number of inter-road places and staging posts on these routes were also accurately located. According to the location of the possible gate discovered, the result of the research shows that this gate was used to connect the city of Jorjanand the port of Abaskun. Also, there is a weak possibility that this gate was accessed by the Bakrabad-Estarabad road or the roads leading to Khwarezm and Dehistan.

Abstract The Khan School is one of the buildings of the Safavid era in Shiraz. This school was built on a parcel of land known as "Pay-i Tal." Pay-i Tal was part of the properties of Allahverdi Khan (d. 1613), the governor of Fars during the reign of Shah Abbas Safavi (1587-1628). However, the construction of the school continued during the rule of his son, Imam Quli Khan. Imam Quli Khan issued a deed of endowment for the Khan School on the twenty-fifth of Ramadan 1036 AH/1626 AD, which is the subject of the present article. This deed of endowment is the most significant historical document of the Khan School, and its study can be beneficial in understanding some cultural and social transformations in Fars during the Safavid period. Therefore, this article presents the characteristics of the original document and the copies of the deed of endowment, and its content is examined and analyzed using historical evidence. The family of Imam Quli Khan was abruptly suppressed during Shah Safi’s reign. The sequence of trustees and the conditions mentioned in the endowment deed of Khan School also provide a basis for tracing the descendants of Imam Quli Khan in this article. The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical, and the method of data collection is both library-based and field-based.The results of this research show that Imam Quli Khan, shortly before the death of Shah Abbas, endowed a significant portion of his properties through two endowment deeds, entrusting their management to his eldest son, Safi Quli Khan. This action was perhaps his strategy to preserve his legacy. All the endowments of Imam Quli Khan on Khan School are located in Fars, with the most important being the lands surrounding Khan School, which were left by Allahverdi Khan. The conditions set by Imam Quli Khan for this endowment are based on two main axes: first, to strengthen and ensure the Trustee of Khan School in the name of his eldest son, Safi Quli Khan, and its continuation within his male descendants; second, the purpose and subject of expenditure of the endowment's revenues.The endowments of Khan School, also known as the endowments of Imam Quli Khan, ceased to exist. Nevertheless, the historical legacy of these endowments and their trustees has resulted in the establishment of a branch of the Mashsha'i from Khuzestan, referred to as Sadat Mowla, in Shiraz, and the subsequent development of a neighborhood bearing their name in the vicinity of Khan School.

Abstract  One of the actions of American Christian missionaries in Iran during the Qajar period was the establishment of schools with a new educational style in various parts of the country. Until the Pahlavi era, the activities of these schools were somewhat aligned with or cooperated with the government. However, with the rise of Reza Shah and the government's increased efforts to oversee and unify the educational system across Iran, the government gradually expanded its supervision and control over these schools. Various laws were enacted and implemented that gradually tightened the space for these schools. Schools that did not accept the new regulations were easily closed down. However, these measures alone did not seem sufficient to ensure that American schools operated within the framework of the new laws. The present research aims to answer the question, through archival documents and a descriptive-analytical approach, of how the changes in the educational system during the early Pahlavi period affected the activities of American missionary schools. This study argues that despite some resistance, most American missionary schools tried to adapt to the new order to avoid serious problems with their operations. Although, in the final years of the first Pahlavi era, they were forced to end their activities by selling all their property to the government, due to the centralized educational policies of the Ministry of Culture. It appears that the government's supervision of American missionary schools was less influenced by the fluctuations of political relations. In fact, this research seeks to answer the hypothesis that the Ministry of Education/Culture, by formulating and implementing centralized educational programs, restricted and ultimately dismantled the activities of American missionary schools in line with the nation-state strategy.